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City councillor and pro-marijuana legalization advocate Dan Wong didn't celebrate his birthday at Somba K'e Park with other Yellowknifers who showed up to rally against laws which prohibit the use of cannabis.

But his statements before the rally were enough to make clear his position on the topic. "I stand on the side that says marijuana needs to be legalized immediately, and not just decriminalized," Wong told Yellowknifer last week.

He does not stand alone. Western Arctic MP Dennis Bevington also believes that legalization is preferable to decriminalization, suggesting that the federal New Democrats support that view and that legalization and regulation would cut into the huge profits currently made by the illegal drug trade. Legalization would give government the ability to tax marijuana, in much the same manner as other so-called sin taxes, which increase the cost of alcohol and tobacco to consumers by a wider margin than it costs the manufacturer to produce.

The laws have already been relaxed somewhat and, more importantly, police forces across the country, including the RCMP in Yellowknife on Saturday, used their discretion when deciding to lay charges against those found in possession of marijuana.

We don't advocate people use marijuana indiscriminately. In fact, it is a harmful substance, especially to young people. That said, alcohol is a potentially more dangerous drug to a person's health, particularly when it is used in excess, as is common in the NWT. And, of course, both alcohol and tobacco, which is also harmful to peoples' health, are legal products which are essentially supplied by government.

Legalizing marijuana will require a broad plan involving legislation and answering questions regarding distribution.

Wong, Bevington and the people at Yellowknife's rally on Saturday have added to the debate by making their views known.

With all the money being spent on promoting the NWT as a premier fishing location it's a pity that it's becoming harder to find a sport fishing licence in this city.

The Yellowknife Direct Co-op was the latest retailer to throw in the towel, which stopped selling licences ahead of the April 1 renewal period. The co-op didn't say why it stopped selling them. Presumably, it's for the same reason other retailers, such as Gastown and Circle K, have given up.

"There's no money in it, and I'm not doing the government's work for nothing," said Gastown owner Roy Ferrier after he stopped selling fishing licences in 2009.

Qui Pham, owner of downtown Reddi-Mart - the only retailer in Yellowknifer which still sells the licences other than two hard-to-find GNWT offices not open on weekends and the Northern Frontier Visitor's Centre, which doesn't open on weekends until noon - has a similar story although she puts up with the inconvenience and poor return on licence sales because she believes they bring people in to her store. Pham says she only makes $1 per licence - even on a $40 full-year licence for non-Canadians. NWT residents pay $10.

Locals will likely endure the inconvenience, but a visitor looking to do a few hours fishing on the weekend will not be impressed if they can't find a licence easily. And that will certainly be the case if Reddi-Mart decides it's had enough.

Bluefish Services owner Greg Robertson suggests one-day fishing licences to accommodate the conference attendee crowd hoping to kill a few hours with a fishing trip should be part of the offering. That is a good idea. Right now, the choice is between a three-day and full-year licence. Some 4,700 visitors fished in the NWT last year, but the number of people coming North for week-long fishing trips is going down. Many visitors are probably happy fishing a day or two while up North for business or taking part in other tourism-related activities.

It wouldn't hurt either to up the price tag by a few dollars and split the difference with retailers. The GNWT only sold 4,335 licences last year so it's not like they are a major money maker.

NWT fishing licences are some of the most affordable found anywhere in the world. But without online availability and a dwindling availability of retailers, the message the GNWT is broadcasting to anglers is that while we got some great fishing photos to show off, we're not really open for business.

Despite the woeful state the once proud big red machine is currently in, the Liberal Party of Canada could soon be on its way back to prominence on the political landscape.

Make no mistake about it, there is an aura surrounding the Liberal's new party leader, Justin Trudeau.

Trudeau takes his position while riding an almost unprecedented wave of attention.

And, for those who stubbornly stick to their contention that he is not his father, and his bloodlines won't help him in the least when it comes to his performance, think again.

Justin's dad, Pierre Elliott Trudeau, was the last truly charismatic prime minister to lead this nation.

Decades after the fact, the mention of his name among those old enough to remember the Trudeau years still conjures up images of a confident, proud, classy, and effective prime minister.

Known worldwide as a suave ladies man, Trudeau's legacy on that front even managed to grow to mythical proportions though his wife's (Margaret) association with the bad boys of rock and roll, the Rolling Stones.

A chain of events that would have crushed the reputation (not to mention ego) of lesser men, served only to make Trudeau cool among the working class and youth of the nation at the time.

If the mythical Capt. James T. Kirk had ever become Canadian prime minister, he would have shared quite a bit in common with Pierre Elliott.

His son Justin swept to the Liberal leadership in one ballot, winning the most points in all but five of the 308 ridings, even managing to gain support from both the Montreal Gazette and the Toronto Star.

No easy task.

While Liberals voted, the rest of the country watched.

The Trudeau name attracts the attention of everyone from the informed to the nostalgic and the curious.

Justin has made it clear he wants nothing to do with collaborating with the New Democratic Party - partially due to leader Tom Mulcair's stance against the Keystone XL pipeline - and has given his father credit for forming his values and ideals, while making it clear the party will not be run by the ghost of his father.

He convinced many a doubter when he described his style as someone who stumbles through things, sometimes leading with his chin, but always leading with his heart.

He advocates respect for those who would break from Confederation.

Respect, that is, while defeating them at every turn, and doing everything in his power to ensure they never realize their goal.

He has no fear of foreign investment in our country, and is as far removed from the spoiled little rich kid some try to portray him as, that anyone could want to be.

True, he has his work cut out for him, but he believes in his own ability and that of his party.

And, far more importantly, he has the ability to convince others to buy into what he's selling.

There are many who think raising the Liberal party back to the top of Canadian politics amounts to nothing more than mission impossible for Justin Trudeau.

He can be excused for borrowing a line from his father, during one of Pierre Elliott's darkest times as prime minister, to rebuke the naysayers.

"Just watch me."

In the late 1980s aboriginal-owned businesses in the NWT were few and far between.

According to the Northern Aboriginal Business Association, there were only 20 aboriginal businesses territory-wide. By 2006, that number had skyrocketed to more than 500, some of these, such as Nunasi and the Deton Cho Corporation are multi-million dollar operations.

Add four major regional corporations and the fact that all 27 NWT First Nations have economic development corporations and the result is aboriginal business is big business.

A testament to that fact is the recent announcement by the First Nations Bank of Canada to open a branch in Yellowknife. It is also considering another location in the Gwich'in Territory.

Keith Martell, CEO and chairman of the First Nations Bank of Canada, said locations for new branches are determined based on a region's "economic promise and significant aboriginal influence." That statement is an endorsement of the success of aboriginal businesses in the NWT and an invitation for more First Nations, Metis and Inuit to add to the success of their peers.

The bank will also provide financial opportunities for aboriginal people in the NWT to acquire business loans and will prove as another source of investment into the aboriginal economy.

Aboriginal corporations, businesses and entrepreneurs have become a driving force in the Northern economy, providing employment and investment opportunities for our communities. Sahtu oil and gas, future mining projects, the push to boost tourism and the Inuvik-to-Tuktoyaktuk highway will open up many possible business opportunities across the territory.

The addition of the First Nations Bank of Canada to the NWT's banking community will only help aboriginal people capitalize on those opportunities to the betterment of the territory as a whole.

When RCMP seized almost 100 bottles of vodka destined for Tulita it once again raised questions about how the lifting of liquor restrictions in Norman Wells affects the region as a whole. RCMP reported seizing another 83 375-millilitre bottles destined for the community on Friday.

With the only liquor store in the Sahtu, Norman Wells is a booze-friendly community surrounded by restricted and dry hamlets. The combination has the potential to transform Norman Wells into a supplier for bootleggers, such as those caught trying to smuggle booze into Tulita.

Six months after alcohol restrictions were lifted in Norman Wells sales in the community increased by nine per cent overall. The sale of spirits jumped by 46 per cent. Leaders representing surrounding communities also said they were witnessing more alcohol use in their communities and more young people drinking.

The people of Norman Wells decided by plebiscite to lift the restrictions in their community which it had every right to do. In a similar vein, the liquor store cannot be faulted for doing business and it is impossible to say if booze en route to Tulita was bought all at once or over time.

The territory is responsible for the sale of booze and it is reaps the greatest financial gain. MLA Norman Yakeleya said the GNWT makes approximately $24 million a year on alcohol sales.

Although personal responsibility is a major factor in alcohol abuse, the GNWT is well aware of the cost and social affects of alcohol and it has a responsibility to help curb the addictions in the territory with effective treatment and awareness.

Three Baffin Island teachers have been charged with sexual interference in the last month and in at least one of these cases parents have been left in the dark.

Earlier this month, parent Mantra Ford-Perkins told Nunavut News/North she had received no notification from the Iqaluit District Education Authority about sexual interference charges laid against a teacher at the school her child attends ("In the dark after teacher charged," April 15).

She said she and other parents felt out of the loop and she had to confirm rumours herself.

This is a troubling gap in policy. A standardized remedy should be put in place by the Government of Nunavut, which employs educators in the territory. Parents shouldn't be worried unduly about the safety of their children in the care of the education system

Schools are walking on eggshells releasing information partially because of the GN's employee confidentiality policy.

Qikiqtani School Operations superintendent Paul Mooney told media he cannot identify the school or teacher charged to protect employees. He said parents can contact their school themselves for more information. Private communications with parents should be more proactive.

Parents of students who regularly interact with the teacher should be contacted directly and immediately when situations like this arise, at least to inform them a teacher their children have interacted with has been charged with sexual interference.

The GN should seek legal advice on how much information it can release to parents - with the mindset to release as much as possible - immediately.

Iqaluit DEA spokesperson Sabrina Sherman told Nunavut News/North she is working on a new communications policy. Hopefully disclosure between the school and parents is at the forefront of such a document. Such a policy should be standardized and put in practice by the GN across the territory,

These situations require us all to walk a fine line. Media and the public must be careful not to convict those charged before a court decides whether they are guilty.

On the other hand, the guilty should be named publicly and the courts must weigh this carefully when applying the limits of a publication ban.

The name of a teacher would identify the school and grade range of a victim, but not the identity. Nor does the name always identify the year, class or context in which the alleged activities took place. But publicizing the name could well bring forward other victims.

The flow of information in these cases can hurt or assist the administration of justice.

The GN and education authorities must keep this in mind, just they must keep the peace-of-mind and trust of parents the focus of its policies.

It's easy to understand why people may be upset with Premier Bob McLeod's bluntness on devolution. No one likes to be told "take it or leave it," especially when it's coming from a politician. But it's difficult to fault McLeod for being so blunt.

As someone who has been around government for as long as he has, he knows very well that the territory will be back to square one if it were to blink at any of the demands being made concerning the devolution of resources.

The Akaitcho and Deh Cho have never been onside and likely never will be. To have five of seven land claim groups on board as signatories must be viewed as a major accomplishment, and really, about as good as it gets.

A new public opinion poll commissioned by Alternatives North indicates that 73 per cent of the NWT's residents want a public vote on devolution. This is no doubt true. But if the question had been, "Would you like some ice cream?" there probably would have been a similar result. It's hard to imagine many people saying, "no, I don't want a say on devolution."

It's likely fair to say, whether people want a vote or not, most are generally in favour of devolution. In fact, to use Alternatives North's poll, 49 per cent think it's a good deal, 18 per cent thought it would make no difference, and 14 per cent didn't know. Put to a vote, that would be a majority win any day of the week.

MLAs voted 14-2 in the legislative assembly not to hold a plebiscite on devolution last month. If people are truly upset about the way this government is proceeding on devolution the first place to turn is to one's MLA. Only they can stop it.

There is no question that requiring elected officials to disclose how much money they receive in salaries and benefits is a good thing.

However, assertions that the First Nations Transparency Act is overreaching and unjust are worthy of further examination.

A former band councillor of the Yellowknives Dene and the acting chief of Ndilo both object to the new federal government legislation, which will require all First Nations across Canada to make public their consolidated audited financial statements and the remuneration and expenses paid to the chief and councillors beginning with the 2013-2014 fiscal year, which began April 1.

Ottawa says it is reacting to requests from First Nations members who have been unable to find out how much their elected leaders are paid and suspect there has been wrongdoing related to salaries and benefits that in many cases add up to hundreds of thousands of dollars.

Canada is a democratic society and all elected officials, regardless of the level of government in which they serve, should have their salaries and benefits disclosed.

That said, we see it as insulting to First Nations that the transparency act requires them to post all their financial information on the Internet for all to see, when the impetus for the legislation was to make the information available to band members and Aboriginal Affairs and Northern Development Canada.

We are also concerned that Ottawa acted like a bully by pushing through the new act, Bill C-27, without consulting the people it will affect.

We are less concerned with Ndilo acting chief Roy Erasmus Sr.'s concern that private companies in competition with the aboriginal-owned Det'on Cho Corporation will gain an advantage by the new rules of disclosure. The act specifically states that band-owned businesses are not required to report and we don't see how a competitor could get detailed proprietary information from the amount of benefits paid to the First Nation by the business.

Certainly this is an imposition by a paternalistic federal government. However, no one is arguing against the public disclosure of how much money is paid to First Nations elected officials. And transparency, by and large, is the whole point of the new legislation.

What does it take to be a good leader?

It's a question that many people have pondered and even more would like to know the answer to.

In the Deh Cho, the most readily identifiable leaders are the ones who have been elected, including First Nation chiefs, Metis presidents and mayors of hamlets and villages.

The support of the people is one of the most self-evident factors of what a good leader requires. That support is needed in order to get leaders elected in the first place and is also needed to keep them there. The Deh Cho, after all, is no stranger to petitions asking for the resignation of chiefs and band councillors.

What it takes to keep the support of the majority of the people, whether they are constituents or band members, is harder to determine. Based on the complaints most commonly heard in the petitions, most important are good lines of communication, transparency and the ability to address pressing issues.

Following this line of thinking, Minnie Letcher, the new chief of Liidlii Kue First Nation, may be on to something in her assertion that people, not politics, are where a leader should focus.

It is easy for leaders to get wrapped up in the larger picture and regional political issues and to forget what is affecting the day-to-day lives of the people who elected them. When that happens, a disconnect grows between the leadership and the people.

But being a good leader isn't just about addressing the right issues and keeping the people happy. In order to do that leaders need to be strong in themselves.

With all of the issues that leaders have to address, the meetings that have to be attended, and the stress that is piled on them, it's is easy for people with titles like mayor, chief and president to become worn down. On more than one occasion leaders in the Deh Cho have had to step down to look after their own health.

Being a leader also means balancing your role with your own needs and staying true to who you are.

The Deh Cho has been fortunate to have had and to currently have many good leaders who have worked for their people. Leaders, however, are not born, but are gradually developed.

As much as leaders need to work for their people, the people in turn need to support their leaders so the best possible future for communities is reached.

I have a pet peeve that I'm about to expand upon.

Last week, after attending a presentation by a Pure North representative, I took a few minutes to ask some of the sparse audience what they thought of the material.

The first person I talked to set the stage for my irritation. She told me "you need to ask my supervisor at the GTC (Gwich'in Tribal Council) if I can talk to you."

I resisted the urge to ask – rather loudly – whether she was joking or not.

I've worked as a journalist for many years now and this is a phenomenon that's crept insidiously into the fabric of nearly every conversation I have with someone who is even remotely connected with government of any form. It didn't used to be like this.

At one time, civil servants would routinely offer me comments without having to check with their bureaucratic overlords and political masters. They might have been cautious about it, and hopefully gave their remarks some "sober second thought," but they weren't muzzled.

Somewhere around 10 or 12 years ago, that began to change.

Free speech went out the window, and power was concentrated in the hands of a few designated spokespeople. Unfortunately, those "talking heads" rarely had a clue about what they were talking about.

I can remember working on a series of stories regarding problems with black bears at the time, and instead of talking directly to the local game wardens who knew what was going on, the process became absurd. Instead, I had to make a long-distance call to a media representative and explain the problem in some detail. The media rep would then call the game warden, talk to them, and then call me back.

I've run into a couple of more examples here in Inuvik in the short time I've been here. While searching for some additional comment on homelessness in the community, I had one senior government staffer tell me she couldn't comment because of government policy. In another instance, after hearing about a local researcher doing a polar bear study, I was told to contact a supervisor in Yellowknife to get permission to talk to her. In other cases, I've successfully jumped through the hoops to do some interviews.

Instead of training their staff to talk effectively to the public and media, governments have taken a control-freak approach to the situation. It's insulting, it's inefficient, it's ludicrous, and it shows a profound lack of trust in the capabilities of front-line staff.

Moreover, I don't understand why so many of those front-line staff have so blithely let it happen. Or, as in the case of the lady at the Pure North meeting, use the policy as a catch-all defence.

I just don't get it.

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