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High cost of living, few job opportunities, addictions and lagging education rates are all factors as to why poverty is such a major issue in the NWT.

Considering these issues span almost every department of our government, a co-ordinated plan of attack is essential to bringing all responsible parties to bear on a problem that has staggering social consequences.

With the release of its new anti-poverty strategy the government has taken a good first step toward reducing poverty in every community.

Ideas for improving economic conditions to encourage job creation and reducing the cost of living might be the most significant actions. Finding ways to give families and individuals the means to keep more money in their pockets and provide for themselves is better than any measure that looks at addressing the symptoms of poverty alone.

That being said, the government's plan is not without strategies to address those symptoms which might help bring people out of the clutches of poverty, such as combating addictions, hunger, poor education and homelessness.

Funding to the Yellowknife and Inuvik day shelters will also help reduce harm to some of our most vulnerable citizens and perhaps help them onto a healthier path.

There is, however, a lot the strategy lacks.

As Julie Green, co-ordinator for the No Place for Poverty Coalition, says the plan doesn't go far enough in terms of measuring its success. It also has its gaps.

While the focus on youth in the plan is commendable, and will help ensure our future generations have a strong and healthy start, adults living in poverty also need help with a fresh start going beyond treating addictions and addressing homelessness.

More needs to be done to help adults fully take advantage of the other strategies. Adult education, something the plan does not address, is vital to getting people into the workforce. Green pointed out that initiatives that improve food security for our youth should also be extended to adults and seniors.

While the plan is a good start, it has a long way to go and needs more specifics, such as an outlined budget and solid measurements.

The Olympic Games has seen its share of controversy over the years. From protests over costs to holding the event while people suffer in poverty to political statements against host governments' questionable human rights positions, the spirit of what the Olympics once were tends to get lost.

Although many of the criticisms are not inaccurate and most of the causes worthy, the athletes who train their whole lives for the opportunity to compete in the most prestigious sporting competition in the world get the short end of the stick.

Although it can sometimes be hard to focus on the positives there is an underlying spirit of the Olympics that should not be lost in the political firestorm it causes.

Brendan Green, one of three athletes from the NWT representing Canada at the Games, is one example embodying the spirit of the Olympics in its truest forms.

He spoke to News/North about his experience in Sochi and his enthusiasm for the opportunity to compete, despite being out of contention for a medal. His attitude is refreshing.

Although we expect the political protests will always be part of the games and know there is no better stage to make a point, we should keep in mind, for some, the event is a dream come true and they deserve our support too.

Finding out how much money is being spent by Government of Nunavut employees and for what purpose is not the simplest task.

It took an Access to Information and Protection of Privacy request for Nunavut News/North to get at financial records related to Nunavut Tourism and its CEO. Even so, much of the e-mail conversations, receipts and other correspondence resulting from the request were blacked out in a 277-page document that arrived months later.

We were able to determine that a fee of almost $70,000 was paid by Nunavut Tourism to a U.S. television talk show so that the CEO could appear on The Balancing Act, filmed in Florida and starring former TV dad Alan Thicke. Officials in the Department of Economic Development and Transportation grudgingly gave approval for the money to be spent, although the marketing budget at the time was $36,500.

The documents did not reveal other costs associated with the CEO's trip, such as the cost of airfare, accommodations, meals and other expenses.

We were most interested in some pointed conversations between department officials, who questioned the value of paying for the television appearance on a show which targets a market not particularly likely or interested in travelling to Nunavut. One e-mail exchange between Government of Nunavut officials was especially telling. In reference to reallocating surplus funds for marketing purposes, the official noted that an application should have been made for the funds to be transferred to a strategic investments program, so that "the approval process would be fair, transparent and accountable."

It is those three words that seem to be missing in some of the spending habits of territorial government employees - fair, transparent and accountable.

Nunavut News/North first started delving into the finances of Nunavut Tourism after receiving information from government employees who could not speak publicly but felt so strongly about alleged misuse of government money that they could no longer sit on their hands.

The resulting story in last week's edition, "$70,000 to be on TV," was a balanced account of money spent by Nunavut Tourism because it did not just look at the fee paid to the Florida TV broadcaster, but also looked at Nunavut Tourism's role in running the very successful Northern House with the government of the NWT at the Vancouver Olympics. That was a huge undertaking because Northern House was staffed for 13 hours a day for 12 days.

We included the $5,073 spent on airfare to Vancouver, the $10,919 paid in per diems and honorariums for four Nunavut Tourism employees and the $39,000 paid for dinners over the course of the month.

Nunavummiut have the right to know how the government is spending taxpayers' money.

While readers can come to their own conclusions about whether the money was well spent, we believe the fee paid for the television appearance was too much for too little and that some of the expenses at the Vancouver Olympics were excessive.

More importantly, we hope that exposing some of the spending by Nunavut Tourism will prompt other bureaucrats to blow the whistle on excessive spending in other departments. While much of the financial details are hidden, there is a need for government to be fair, transparent and accountable.

It's not news that territorial population growth is in stagnation. That's been the situation for several years, even with government growth and the NWT's diamond mines at peak production.

Workers from outside the territory simply don't want to live here. A survey representing 93 per cent of diamond mine workers in 2009 found only 6.8 of non-resident workers would consider moving north. The most cited reasons for their reluctance was the territory's high cost of living and its isolation.

It's unlikely the situation has improved, but that hasn't stopped Finance Minister Michael Miltenberger from gamely setting a goal of increasing the territory's population by 2,000 people over the next five years.

The question is how? Miltenberger points vaguely to the need to address the continued high rate of fly-in, fly-out workers at the diamond mines and also to the immigrant nomination program and developing incentives for students to return to the North after graduation. But the territory has been down those roads before.

What is needed is a bold, quantifiable game-changer.

If cost of living is the issue why not offer would-be but reluctant Northerners a tax-free, $10,000 down payment on a home?

If the idea sounds familiar, it's because it was already temporarily implemented in 1998 as a pilot program to encourage home ownership, a not always easy prospect when household bills average more than $80,000 a year.

The return of a down payment program in the NWT may just be the carrot on the stick needed to attract people to move here, bringing with them the $29,000 the territory receives from Ottawa for each resident who lives here. Not a bad tradeoff for a $10,000 grant with the added benefits of encouraging growth in the real estate and construction sector.

This might be a tough sell for the many long-standing residents who bought homes without government help but everyone will benefit in the long-run from increased population growth.

The effort would pay for itself within the first year, and it would continue to draw revenue in the form of tax dollars as well, for so long as those people chose to live here.

How else could it be anything but a win-win situation?

Many people sprung to action on the day an Arctic Sunwest Twin Otter floatplane slammed into an Old Town parking lot in 2011, leaving the two pilots dead and seven passengers in various states of injury from minor and serious.

There is no question Yellowknife residents Matthew Grogono and Allan Shortt did something exceptional when they put their lives at risk to rescue victims of the crash amid downed power lines and leaking fuel. Both were nominated by the RCMP for the Governor General's Medal of Bravery - the third highest honour for bravery available to civilians in Canada.

Since their bravery is not in doubt, Yellowknifer hopes they receive these honours soon now that more than two years has passed.

The pair could have received a St. John Ambulance Life Saving Award, but the RCMP and St. John Ambulance aimed higher to the Governor General for their efforts.

Four others - Sgt. Bruno Bernier, Sherri Pellerin, Charlotte Overvold, and Brian McShane - were recognized for their efforts in helping crash victims with Life Saving Awards last October.

There were other people who helped in the immediate aftermath of the crash, but it's unclear whether they will be recognized or if officials even know who they are.

That is the problem with bestowing awards for exceptional duty in situations where so many were involved.

The process to hand out medals and recognition takes time and often requires documentation and standards for what counts as an act of bravery. Whether it is lack of evidence, or simple humbleness of the person involved, not all of those who came to the rescue of the crash victims will receive something for their selfless acts.

The ability to see into the future is something that would come in handy in the Deh Cho.

On July 14, 2008 Acho Dene Koe First Nation (ADK) in Fort Liard signed a framework agreement with the federal and territorial governments allowing it to negotiate its own land claims agreement. The signing signified that the First Nation and the Fort Liard Metis were no longer a part of the Dehcho First Nations or, importantly, the Dehcho Process.

There was a lot of discussion at the time about whether ADK had made the right decision and what it would mean for the Dehcho Process. ADK had its reasons for leaving, among them the desire to enter into negotiations with B.C. and the Yukon about traditional lands the First Nation has outside of the NWT border.

Now almost six years later ADK and the Fort Liard Metis have signed an agreement-in-principal with the territorial government, which has brought their land claim and self-government agreement a step closer to being finished. The community of Fort Liard must be feeling good about this progress.

It will only be with time, however, that the full implications of the First Nation and Metis in Fort Liard going it alone will be clear.

One issue that remains to be resolved is the overlap in traditional territory between ADK and the Nahanni Butte and Sambaa K'e Dene Bands. The two First Nations strongly oppose the proposed size and geographic extent of the settlement area as well as the possibity of ADK selecting lands in what they view as their primary land use areas.

The federal government has to undertake a court ordered consultation process related to this issue. It remains to be seen how that will be settled. There is a chance that in spite of the consultation, hard feelings will be left between the neighboring groups.

Questions also remain about what the future of Fort Liard will look like after the final agreement is reached and enacted. This is, after all, the first community-based land and resource agreement in the territory.

It will only be years, possibly decades, from now after both the ADK and Fort Liard Metis agreement and the Dehcho Process are in place and running that any conclusions will be able to be made about whether the region should have stayed together, or if things have worked out for the best with the separation.

The best possible outcome will be that both Fort Liard and the rest of the Deh Cho flourish under their respective agreements.

I'm watching the establishment of the Inuvik Youth Centre's new Rainbow Club venture with a considerable amount of interest and admiration, mixed in with a bit of trepidation.

Such clubs have been established all over North America, and, as Danny Jellema notes, are a common feature of schools in the south. They're so common, in fact, as to be almost unremarkable, except possibly in rural areas.

Jellema, as well as Ali McConnell, the executive director of the Inuvik Youth Centre, say they have no idea how many LGBT people live in Inuvik.

I can't say that I have any idea. I tend to look at people as people, and disregard any of the (in my opinion) less significant things such as sexual orientation, gender or ancestral/cultural background.

And seriously, it doesn't matter how many are here. This isn't a numbers game, where there is some cutoff point or critical mass where its suddenly becomes significant.

These are people who should enjoy all the same perks, comforts and rights that are too often taken for granted by the rest of us.

I once heard a politician make a surprisingly wise statement when it came to discussing same-sex marriage. He said that while he is uncomfortable talking about the issue, the difference between his mother and his children's attitudes is revealing.

He said his mother hates talking about the issue in public while his children wonder why we even need to discuss the issue.

The establishment of the Rainbow Club falls into those parameters, but I'm not entirely sure it's going to be an age or inter-generational issue, although that will be a factor.

Frankly, I'd love to get to the point where the creation of such a club wouldn't be a news story, or that I wouldn't have to ask the organizers if they worry about a backlash.

That's why I look at the Rainbow Club with a hint of trepidation. I haven't seen much in the way of overt homophobic discrimination here, but I have been told it happens.

What I have seen, though, is a tendency of a certain segment of the population to engage in some unsavoury bullying tactics of various types, but particularly cyberbullying, on all sorts of issues. That's no different than what you see in any population cluster, be it a town or a village or a city.

As Jellema said, Inuvik encompasses the range of social attitudes you'll see anywhere people live together.

I'm unfortunately expecting to see some negative social attitudes start to come out in relation to the Rainbow Club, although I'd certainly prefer not to. I'd be quite happy to be proven wrong. Please, prove me wrong.

As McConnell noted, many of the people who would become involved with the Rainbow Club are already being bullied. Please, don't be part of the problem, be part of the solution.

Last week, Yellowknife Centre MLA Robert Hawkins was in hot water, and not for the first time either. This time, the always vocal Hawkins was called out in a point of order by Finance Minister Michael Miltenberger after the regular MLA questioned him the day before in regards to alleged misspending by deputy ministers.

According to Hawkins, he has proof that these unnamed deputy ministers were funneling money approved for jobs in the territorial budget for other projects within their departments. Hawkins added that to clarify more, cabinet would need to release information it is currently withholding.

And that, right there, is the problem with consensus government, or rather, many of the MLAs that make up this particular example. Politicians voted into the legislative assembly with the mandate of looking out for the well-being of their constituents are, instead, not speaking on the public's behalf because they seem to feel uncomfortable with sharing the information they're being provided.

Often times, this information is coming from the powers that be with the caveat of it being kept secret. This lends to the perception of MLAs gunning more for positions on cabinet and the lucrative salaries they bring, instead of seeking accountability, as often those positions appear to only come to those who are friendly with the ruling side of the assembly.

What if an MLA sees something in those briefings or during dealings with cabinet ministers and their departments that they consider wrong? In a functioning democracy, they need to speak out on these problems.

Hawkins went at least part way with his accusations of wrongdoing by senior bureaucrats but he still plays the part of the horse chasing a carrot on a stick by honouring the consensus government system of secrecy on the most pertinent details of the questions he is raising.

MLAs need to break this system - refuse this bartering of information provided to regular MLAs in exchange for their quasi-silence - if democracy is to thrive in the Northwest Territories. Otherwise, they are only pantomiming the truth when raising questions on the issues of the day inside the legislative assembly.

This is the sickness of consensus government - a legislative assembly put on for show rather than holding the government to account on behalf of public they are supposed to represent.

It's been more than a little interesting talking to various parties with a lot at stake in the long-term health of the western Hudson Bay polar bear population during the past few weeks.

As hard as I try to understand biologists who can be linked to conservational and environmental activists, a few of their habits truly irk me.

Being a Cape Bretoner who lived through the collapse of the East Coast ground fishery, I find scientists of any discipline who look down at those possessing traditional knowledge through experience to be troublesome.

As a generalization, they have trouble giving or earning respect.

They also have trouble admitting when they're wrong.

They'll begrudgingly acknowledge a situation that defies their own predictions, but quickly turn to other data - often of the wait-and-see variety - to restake their claim to doom and gloom.

It's the Chicken Little syndrome, only their little ground scratcher is on some sort of steroid that doesn't kick in for another decade, or so.

To be fair, anytime there's wildlife involved that's hunted for any reason - but especially when there's a cash bounty involved - there lurks unscrupulous hunters who will say, or do, almost anything to keep their rifles firing or their nets sweeping.

Thankfully, however, their numbers are declining due to increased pressure on them by the number of communities getting involved with effective wildlife management planning.

But, to give the devil his due, at least you know what side of the fence unscrupulous hunters sit, with stuffing their own pockets being their one, and only, priority.

With scientists who are only a T-shirt or visible organizational badge away from being activists, themselves, however, motivation can be much harder to discern.

There are times - if one allows himself to believe some of these folks simply cry doom and gloom for more piles of research dollars - these scientists come across as being the educated identical twin of the unscrupulous hunter.

And they know how to play the game well when it comes to getting headline grabbing journalists and celebrities to present their claims and predictions as facts.

Less than three short months ago, the activist world's propaganda machine swung into high gear to back The Guardian's headlined claim that, "Polar bear numbers in Hudson Bay of Canada on verge of collapse."

That's a long way from stable.

The story claimed death rates among Hudson Bay polar bears have soared, and included scientist warnings that the entire western Hudson Bay population could collapse within a year or two, and that whether we will see bears in the region by 2020 is still an "open bet."

There were no published studies alluded to other than a vague reference to mark and capture, and bear numbers being at 1,200 in 1984 and 935 in 2004.

This type of approach does nothing to further understanding, nor does it aid in the creation of successful, long-term-management plans.

It's sensationalism at its best, and fear mongering at its worst.

If, as the story claims, this approach is being utilized by the leading experts on the western Hudson Bay polar bear population, the bears truly are in trouble.

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