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He's not the most popular guy, our prime minister.

During Stephen Harper's first visit to Yellowknife as prime minister in 2006, there were protests outside of the legislative assembly.

More recently in Hay River last month, Idle No More demonstrators drummed and sang as he made his way to announce $5.8 million to teach mining skills to 400 aboriginal workers in the NWT and Nunavut.

The music that pumped through the air from a high-rise as he entered the building was The Imperial March - Darth Vader's theme song from the Star Wars movie empire.

He's just that guy a lot of Canadians distrust. Over his seven years in the driver's seat, the scorn and dissent for any move he makes has grown. People are sick of the Senate scandals, the power play of proroguing Parliament and the void of any caring personality.

Critics say Harper showing his face north of 60 is a political ploy, one big photo op. But who are we to complain? Any attention from Ottawa is welcome. The financial boosts from the feds as well as constantly being a big player in Harper's vision for this nation's future are nothing to scoff at.

Last month marked Harper's eighth consecutive Northern Tour when he visits all three of Canada's territories, touting continued investments in Arctic sovereignty, bolstering economic development, skills training and job creation. These are the principles he's been working on since his first federal election campaign. While promises of world class icebreakers and arctic military stations have gone unmet, he has gone to bat for the North.

The pending devolution deal is a big one. Over the past three years there have also been announcements concerning a marine protected area in Tuktoyaktuk, the Nahanni Park expansion, regulatory reform, funding for adult basic education and health care.

The federal government has agreed to pay for two-thirds of the $299-million Inuvik-to-Tuktoyaktuk all-weather highway, which is creating more than 1,000 one-time and 40 long-term jobs.

Of course, the choice of an NDP member of Parliament, Dennis Bevington, reflects our Northern social conscience. We want someone in Parliament who understands the deep-rooted problems affecting the people, such as addictions, poverty, housing and education.

Though Bevington remains popular and cares deeply about the North, the training and jobs being offered by the Conservatives are allowing Northerners to break the cycle of inaction, creating a self-sustaining society, getting people off of welfare and allowing them to work in their own territory.

Now, it's not all sunshine and roses with our leader, but if we're talking about what Northerners get out of the leading government, the facts are laid out over the past few decades. The difference between Harper and his Liberal predecessors is action.

From 1993 to 2006, there were many promises made, but much was left unaccomplished. Harper has an economic vision for the North and has a proven track record for making it happen.

It is evident from what K'atlodeeche First Nation Chief Roy Fabien said after Harper's visit to Hay River. "I'm not (Harper's) greatest fan, but I enjoyed listening to him."

Many people don't want to admit it but they are embarrassed to give the prime minister a break, to deconstruct the wall they've built shielding themselves from Harper, the rigid reformist.

What is certain is that one day a new party will be in control. Harper's Northern record will be held up as the standard to be met if not surpassed.

Boats crashing into the shoreline during a storm, causing destruction and putting lives at risk is not a new story to seafaring Nunavummiut.

Case in point was the impact of a storm which brought high winds to the shoreline of Pond Inlet on Aug 14 and 15. Some of the boats sunk while others drifted away after breaking free from their moorings. Some people battled the waves to salvage one vessel.

The incident renewed calls for a breakwater to provide shelter for the boats fishers use to make their livelihood and feed their families.

Man cannot stop nature in its tracks. However, steps can be taken to provide shelter from storms.

That is precisely why, over a decade ago, the government of Nunavut asked the federal government to build harbour facilities in Pangnirtung, Clyde River, Qikiqtarjuaq, Pond Inlet, Chesterfield Inlet, Repulse Bay and Kugaaruk.

Ottawa responded by having a study done by Fisheries and Oceans. The resulting report, the Nunavut Small Craft Harbours Report, was completed in 2004 and revised in 2006. It supported the territory's call for action and recommended one harbour be built every year for seven years or, alternatively, build seven harbours over four years.

What happened? The issue was referred to the Senate, the equivalent of putting a message in a bottle to float out to sea in hopes of being rescued some distant day.

The standing senate committee on Fisheries and Oceans began work in December 2007 with public hearings in Ottawa and, in June 2008, committee members travelled to Nunavut and interviewed numerous people with knowledge of the state of the harbours, including hunters and trappers organizations, politicians, government employees, biologists, experts and people who make a living from the fishery.

The result was an exhaustive report titled Nunavut Marine Fisheries: Quotas and Harbours, released in June 2009. Among its recommendations, yet again, was for the federal government to move forward on Fisheries and Oceans previous recommendations to build harbours in Nunavut's coastal communities.

The Senate committee observed that Nunavummiut are a maritime people dependent on the sea and its resources. Yet, out of 1,000 fishing harbours built and maintained across Canada, Nunavut is the only jurisdiction without any.

That will change to one out of 1,000 when Pangnirtung's $42-million small craft harbour project, which began in June 2010, is completed this month.

Is it any wonder the people of Pond Inlet are at the end of their rope? MLA Joe Enook, whose uncle died several years ago trying to save a boat, is frustrated by the lack of action and wonders whether more people have to die before something is done. We share his concern.

Ottawa, are you listening?

It has been a long time since resident, non-aboriginal hunters in Yellowknife had something to cheer about.

The Bathurst caribou herd was declared off-limits in 2010, and last year an anthrax outbreak wiped out half the Mackenzie bison herd. This led to the cancellation of the ballot draw hunt for the foreseeable future. But a recent proposal by the territorial government to re-open a limited bull-only hunt to resident hunters from three other caribou herds - the Bluenose-East, Ahiak and Beverly -- means caribou may be on the menu once again.

Of these three herds, the Bluenose-East is the most accessible to Yellowknife hunters, wintering near the winter roads linking Tlicho communities south of Great Bear Lake.

Last year, Weledeh MLA Bob Bromley accused Environment Minister Michael Miltenberger of "not sticking up" for resident hunters after a 2010 population estimate of the Bluenose-East herd put its number at 100,000 animals - up from 67,000 in 2006. It was unfathomable that more than two years would go by without any discussion on allowing non-aboriginal hunters to harvest the herd, said Bromley.

"Finally the minister is talking about it for the 2013-14 hunting season, which is four years after they recovered to above normal levels," he said. "Obviously, the resident hunter is being very mistreated here."

However, now that the government is pondering easing restrictions the Tlicho government and Wildlife Management Advisory Council of the NWT - and Inuvialuit-based organization - are expressing opposition to the proposal.

Tlicho Grand Chief Edward Erasmus argued in a letter to the Wek'eezhii Renewable Resources Board that opening the hunt to non-aboriginal hunters would be premature. He cited increased pressure on the Bluenose-East herd since the closure of the Bathurst hunt, and expressed fears that an influx of new hunters in the area would make future hunts unsafe. Aboriginal hunters, meanwhile, face no restrictions.

Surely all can agree that caribou numbers must be closely monitored, but there must also be some accommodation of non-aboriginal residents living in the Northwest Territories, many of whom no doubt work for the Tlicho government and aboriginal-owned companies. It doesn't make sense to allow aboriginal hunters to embark on a free-for-all, while leaving non-aboriginal hunters on the sidelines.

If the Tlicho government is so concerned about the caribou numbers and keeping hunters safe, perhaps it should be the one issuing the tags.

That way, it controls how the herd is being harvested, and how many tags are being given to their non-aboriginal neighbours. The Tlicho Government would then benefit from the additional income and goodwill.

The Great Canadian Shoreline Cleanup is a case in point. For a number of years, a handful of Fort Simpson residents have been participating in the cleanup, which is part of the larger nationwide initiative.

With their hands protected by rubber gloves, the volunteers scour the local beach and the riverbank beside the island for any garbage that has been left behind or washed up. There is often quite a haul.

The people who participate in the cleanup probably aren't the ones who created the litter in the first place. They certainly don't have to spend part of their weekend picking up other people's garbage and they aren't getting paid either. Yet, they still come.

Some of the volunteers might be motivated by the idea of being part of something larger than just Fort Simpson. Since the cleanup went nationwide in 2002, there have been cleanups in every province and territory every year. Last year, 315 people in the NWT alone participated.

Other volunteers may come out because they care about the land and water in the Deh Cho.

As Martina Norwegian, who has organized the recent cleanups in Fort Simpson asked, if the people here don't look after the

Mackenzie River, who else will?

The garbage on the river's shoreline near Fort Simpson didn't necessarily originate here, but efforts to keep the river clean have to start somewhere. By cleaning up along the section of the riverbank here, volunteers are not only making things better for Fort Simpson residents, but also for those people who live further along the Mackenzie River and even the Beaufort Sea, which the river empties into.

Volunteers may even come out because it is a good community event. For an afternoon, a variety of Fort Simpson residents mingle as they work toward a common goal.

In today's society, there is a lot of focus on getting ahead and doing things that benefit ourselves and not necessarily anyone else. That is why it is nice to see community support for initiatives such as the Great Canadian Shoreline Cleanup.

The cleanup is relevant to the Deh Cho, where water stewardship is important. It also gives residents an opportunity to help the wider world in a small way. Hopefully the 20th anniversary of the initiative will inspire even more people to get involved.

It's good to see some additional curriculum being added to regional schools. It's even better to see that new curriculum is something totally applicable to students living in the area.

That's why I applaud the introduction of the new Gwich'in study module to schools such as East Three Secondary School.

I'm a big fan of studying history, and more perspectives on history are better than standard mainstream fare – providing, of course, they don't descend to the level of propaganda.

This new curriculum is something, that given a chance, I'd dive right into if I was still a student.

Even better, the courses and study material are going to be available to all students in the system. That's a stroke of genius on the part of its developers. Now any student can learn something about their neighbours, as well as people of Gwich'in descent learning about their particular history.

Of course, you could argue the developers of the curriculum with the Gwich'in Tribal Council had no choice since there isn't a separate school system available to them.

That's true, and to my mind that's a good thing. I'm likely to champion inclusivity over insularity any time.

I grew up in an educational system that featured two public school alternatives, one secular and one Catholic, and a plethora of private ones. I've never been able to fathom how it can be logically explained that a religious-based system gets public funds, except that it's enshrined in Canada's constitution.

Moreover, I've always considered segregation in any form, much less officially-sanctioned forms, to be a philosophical mistake. If people are going to learn to get along, they'll do it by mingling with each other, opening themselves to new ideas and perspectives and hopefully learning a little tolerance along the way. That's far less likely to happen in systems where separation occurs.

Inuvik Chief Herbert Blake, though, is ambivalent about the idea. He likes the new curriculum, but says it doesn't go far enough. He has a vision of a time when Gwich'in people will have their own schools.

I respect Blake as a leader and as a politician. I also like him as a person. But I don't think a separate Gwich'in school system is a good idea, particularly for the Inuvik area.

As a designed or manufactured community, Inuvik was intended to be – and is – a multicultural town where Gwich'in, Inuvialuit, Metis and European-descended Canadians mingle freely. Today we can add a burgeoning Muslim population, and others, to that mix.

The great thing, though, is that there are no silos of separation in this town. Its polyglot nature is one of its attractive points.

Barbara Clement was flown more than 300 km to Yellowknife from Fort Simpson in mid-March to receive potentially life-saving treatment for her kidney disease. The three-times-weekly dialysis treatment leaves Clement feeling weak, she said.

And right now, she has to go through it alone.

Clement's common-law partner, Peter Hardisty, had to return home earlier this month as the benefits afforded to him as a non-medical escort ran out.

Now, Clement is left to find a place of her own so that she and her family can be reunited.

Until then, Clement is living at the Vital Abel Boarding Home in Ndilo. It is unlikely she will be leaving there any time soon because the waiting list for public housing can be anywhere from one to two years.

Clement won't be eligible to apply for public housing until the middle of next month because current regulations state residents have to be living in Yellowknife for six months.

Clement is also in financial straits as she had to leave her employment with the government in Fort Simpson to come to Yellowknife for treatment. Applications for financial assistance have been unsuccessful.

To compound the issue, if Hardisty and their three children want to come visit Clement, they're looking at a trip that will cost hundreds of dollars each way.

Under current regulations, the health authority allows stays of three weeks for non-medical escorts, after which re-approvals are needed.

The authority is a well-funded entity that needs to focus its measure of success on how well it helps patients, rather than how much money it has saved.

Forcing a solitary lifestyle upon someone who wants nothing more than to be with her family is unfair.

"I was in tears," Clement said. "I want someone to be here with me."

Anyone forced into such conditions could see their mental health affected from not being with the people they love during what very well may be the toughest challenge of their lives.

Specialty health services in the NWT are limited which means people have to travel long distances for treatment. Being away from family support can be as much a detriment to personal health as the condition being treated. This must be factored into health department policy so people don't suffer through stressful treatments alone and afraid.

The call for trained tradespeople is a familiar one in the North. More than a decade ago, when diamond mines Ekati and Diavik came on line, agreements were negotiated that included employment commitments to Northerners, and specifically aboriginal Northerners.

Leah Von Hagen, who was the manager of workforce development for Diavik in those early days, noted that there were difficulties with meeting these commitments.

"With a small population of about 43,000 people in the Northwest Territories, and other industry already in the area drawing on that small population for their workforce, our challenge has been finding people with the necessary skills to work for us."

A dearth of trained tradespeople is not unique to the North. It's a world-wide problem, hence the focus of governments on programs to help develop a skilled workforce. Targeting youth, for example, is one way via Skills Canada.

The Mine Training Society, which turned 10 years old in August, is another way to ensure the right training takes place. And it is taking the right approach - partnership.

Around the time of the society's inception, Education Culture and Employment was operating in a vacuum, with mines having to train workers themselves, with their own programs.

With the partnership approach - which involves industry, the GNWT, and aboriginal governments - industry can identify needs and the right training can take place.

This will prove valuable in the long run, by helping meet the challenge of a predicted increase of need for a skilled workforce by 2017, but also by providing skills to Northerners that they can carry with them.

As Skills Canada notes, people who are employed in the skilled trades and technologies are virtually guaranteed long, productive, and stable careers.

While Aug. 23 is a day that hardly yields a blip on the radar of most Canadians, it should be recognized, without fail, across this great nation of ours.

Black Ribbon Day is a national day of remembrance for the suffering put upon millions of people by the aggressive and superior military powers of a Communist and a totalitarian regime.

It traces all the way back to Aug. 23, 1939, when the Soviet Union and Nazi Germany signed their infamous Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, containing secret protocols to define the territorial spheres of influence Germany and the Soviets would have after a successful invasion of Poland.

For its architects, Adolf Hitler and Joseph Stalin, the treaty of non-aggression hid their desire to divide the continent between them on the eve of the Second World War.

The pact survived until Hitler invaded the Soviet Union in 1941.

The deal struck between Hitler and Stalin and forged by its namesakes, foreign ministers Vyacheslav Molotov and Joachim von Ribbentrop, led to the people of Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia, Poland and Romania's Bessarabia region (Moldova) suffering brutal occupations at the hands of the Nazi and Soviet soldiers.

Finland actually turned away its Soviet would-be conquerors, but did lose the Karelia region to the Soviets. During the occupations, hundreds of thousands of people were taken to Siberian labour camps.

The number of generations the pact affected was put on display for the world during the marking of the 50th anniversary of its signing on Aug. 23, 1989.

About two million people joined hands to form a human chain stretching more than 650 km to link the states of Tallin, Riga and Vilnius.

The demonstration became known as the Baltic Way (the Chain of Freedom) and literally forced Mikhail Gorbachev to acknowledge the pact in public for the first time.

Today, with Russia seemingly looking to assert its authority once again, it could be argued the importance of observing Black Ribbon Day has never been higher.

Too often, as the years pass after a major conflict, people start to forget the price paid by so many in the name of freedom.

They also tend to forget, or simply deny, how quickly freedom can be snatched away when the circumstances are right for an aggressive power.

The groundwork of atrocities being committed was well underway when the war finally spilled outside the boundaries of Europe.

Every Nov. 11, we honour the memory of our own brave men and women who gave their lives for freedom, as well as our allies in the States, Britain and France.

We live in an age when numerous countries have nuclear capability and other strive to obtain it.

We hear of the use of chemical weapons in other parts of the world, shudder when told of terrorist attacks, and give thanks for living in a country as safe as ours.

Others believed their freedom was safe, too, until it was taken away and the world as they knew it ceased to exist.

Now, more than ever, it's important to remember the suffering of these victims. While a black ribbon may be symbolic, it speaks volumes to remind the world we remember!

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