Home page

Text size

E-mail this page

Confidence in the NWT as a potential job market was shaken once again earlier this month when the Conference Board of Canada forecasted a 2.3 per cent contraction in the territory's economy.

The reduction comes primarily from a decrease in construction projects and the NWT's failure to capitalize on what has been described as a hot commodity market.

Although a reduction in construction spending was not completely unexpected as major government capital projects spurred by millions in stimulus funding wrap up, as a jurisdiction we are falling shamefully behind the Yukon and Nunavut in exploration spending.

Demand globally for rare earth metals, various minerals and the high cost of gold and oil should have companies flocking to our resource-rich territory.

Nunavut's economic growth is being driven by exploration and mining and the simple difference between us and our neighbours to the east is our regulatory system.

To state it simply, the NWT's regulatory system is broken.

Of the 13 regulatory boards in the NWT only two have enough members to form a quorum; the rest await a review to conclude on how their members are appointed so they can begin filling vacancies that have existed for nearly two years.

Back in July, in the Fraser Institute's fifth annual Global Petroleum Survey of industry executives and managers regarding barriers to investment in upstream oil and gas exploration and production, the NWT was ranked 103 out of 136 jurisdictions around the world. That ranking put the territory last in Canada. The federal government promised a regulatory review in July of 2010, when Chuck Strahl was the minister of the Department of Aboriginal Affairs and Northern Development, formerly Indian and Northern Affairs Canada.

More than a year later and with a new minister at the helm of the department, there has been no movement on regulatory reform in the NWT; Ottawa has failed to approve the members the boards need to operate.

In the meantime, our economy flounders, our reputation among investors and development companies degrades and Northerners are losing out on opportunities for gainful employment.

The GNWT needs to step up and force the federal government into action or it will find itself choked off from development beyond the diamond mines.

While the Yukon and Nunavut have the advantage of settled land claims, we whither.

When Annie and Donald Inuktalik married, they vowed to support each other no matter what. It's too bad that a GNWT policy overruled that vow and ripped them away from each other in one of Donald's greatest times of need.

Facing a medical emergency, Donald was medevaced from Sachs Harbour to Inuvik and then onto Yellowknife for emergency surgery. Donald was understandably afraid and, unfortunately, the territory's less-than-clear medevac policy provided him with little comfort. His wife, who Donald was relying upon for support and comfort, was denied travel on the medevac, leaving her husband to face his ordeal alone.

When doctors finally decided she should be at his side, extenuating circumstances kept them apart for days and he underwent emergency surgery scared and alone. The situation was detrimental to both Annie's and Donald's emotional health, and put undo stress on the patient.

Medevacs are a fact of life in the NWT, where smaller communities lack the resources of the bigger centres. Anytime a person is taken by ambulance, whether by ground or air, it can be a scary ordeal, regardless of how serious a doctor, nurse or bureaucrat on the other end of a phone hundreds of kilometres away might think.

The health department is reviewing the policy and we hope any new recommendations will ensure medevac patients don't end up away from home and community without family support.

The release of the territorial suicide prevention action plan on Sept. 12 should be a call to action for all involved, and there should be an overwhelming sense of urgency for everyone working to make it a reality.

The plan is full of worthwhile measures to support and reach out to communities, and initiatives to train people to recognize suicidal behaviour and reach out to those at risk. Among other aspects of the plan, actions such as creating more mental health facilities and hiring more psychiatric staff are invaluable, as are providing suicide prevention training courses at least once a year in the territory, which need to be accessible to every community.

In a territory where there is a youth suicide rate 11 times the national average, this strategy could save lives. To do so, however, no one can relax in the satisfaction that the strategy has made it this far, even if reaching this milestone has been long and arduous.

We must remember that the announcement of a suicide prevention strategy in itself is not going to help someone feeling alone and needing help, but the actions promised in the strategy definitely can.

More than 20 people have committed suicide so far this year in Nunavut. Without action at the community level - not behind-the-scenes, bureaucratic changes, but actions visible and accessible to Nunavummiut - it's going to be difficult to prevent more senseless and needless deaths.

The GN, RCMP, Nunavut Tunngavik Inc. and the Embrace Life Council deserve praise for bringing the strategy this far. The release of the action plan was a step forward, but we cannot afford to lose any of that momentum.

Another blow has been struck to the Inuit challenge to reverse a seal ban adopted by Europe more than two years ago.

Earlier this month, the European General Court tossed out an attempt by Canadian and Greenlandic Inuit to reverse the ban. The dismissal was on technical grounds.

Another similar legal challenge is still before the court, but efforts ought to be ramped up by Inuit leaders to build upon deals in alternative countries, particularly in Asia.

The Europeans, it seems, won't be convinced that seals are hunted humanely in Canada, and a murky exemption for certain seal products from Inuit is not viewed as effective when the seal market in the continent is essentially shut down to the rest of our country.

People in Spain continue to enjoy their bullfights and their counterparts in France savour fois gras - the livers of ducks and geese fattened through force feeding of the birds - while continuing to hold a harsh view of Canadian seal hunts.

In addition to repeatedly trying to overcome the entrenched European hypocrisy and ignorance on the subject of sealing, ambassadors from Nunavut and Canada should be actively engaging markets in China and Japan. An announcement came from Nunavut Tunngavik Incorporated in January that a deal was signed to ship edible sealing products from Canada to China. That was only a start. Let's pursue more initiatives like that one.

For those who frequent the area, it would seem a shame to venture past Drybones Bay on Great Slave Lake one day and see a giant mining operation being carved into the shore.

It would be even more of an affront if one were a member of the Yellowknives Dene, who have been hunting, fishing and dwelling in the area for centuries. The area is in the heart of Akaitcho territory, to which the Yellowknives belong.

Boat into Drybones, past the scarred and burnt shoreline to the east - courtesy of an errant fire caused by an employee working for exploration company Snowfield Development four years ago - and you'll find a huge cross. Here and there are moose hunters' shacks, and islands dotted with well-used campsites - some of them surely as old as the gnarled trees clinging to the rocks around them.

The area is also potentially rich in diamond-bearing kimberlite pipes.

The pipe discovered in the Lac de Gras area by Chuck Fipke 20 years ago proved to be a godsend to the NWT economy. The three diamond mines that and subsequent discoveries produced are still employing hundreds of Northerners to this day.

Last week, the Mackenzie Valley Impact Review Board held a public hearing to air concerns over the proposal of another diamond exploration project - this one owned by Encore Renaissance Resources, a junior exploration company with projects all over western North America. It owns 21 exploration claims in and around Drybones Bay.

The project is undergoing a second assessment. Members of the Yellowknives and Metis have spoken largely against the project and the federal government's seemingly permissive attitude toward development in Akaitcho lands while land claims remains unresolved.

"They are supposed to be managing this land on our behalf, not in spite of us," said Sheryl Grieve, manager of the environment for the North Slave Metis Alliance.

Ndilo Chief Ted Tsetta said he would like to see development postponed across the entire Akaitcho territory for the time-being.

"Let's give Mother Earth a chance to heal," he told the board.

While Drybones Bay is a sacred site, to make the entire region off limits would severely limit employment opportunities.

We have to ask, what happened to the pact Tsetta and other Akaitcho chiefs signed with the NWT and Nunavut Chamber of Mines two months ago?

Why wouldn't the Akaitcho press the federal government for an Interim Resource Development Agreement similar to the Deh Cho have? This would allow for some benefits from development in addition to jobs until a final land claim is hammered out.

It was jobs that held up paving of roads in Ndilo this summer while Tsetta and the Det'on Cho Development Corporation sought assurances that community members would be employed for the project. The memorandum of understanding with the mining chamber, meanwhile, was supposed to provide confidence to investors and ensure Akaitcho band members that exploration companies would consult them before developing on their lands.

Drybones Bay may very well not be suitable for development but the message sent by Tsetta to exploration companies last week was that the Akaitcho territory remains closed to business.

With a land claim that could take many years, that's not going to be helpful in securing jobs in the interim.

If there's one issue that's being pushed to the forefront of this territorial election, it's housing.

All of the candidates in the Deh Cho and the Nahendeh ridings spoke about housing when asked what they rank as the primary issues for their constituents. Michael McLeod and Michael Nadli in the Deh Cho and Kevin Menicoche and Bertha Norwegian in the Nahendeh all seem to agree the current policies of the Northwest Territories Housing Corporation need to be changed.

Most of the four candidates are also in agreement that one of the primary problems is the corporation's policy that makes rental rates proportional to income. Where the candidates vary is their proposed solutions to this problem.

If elected, McLeod said he'd call for a review of the corporation's programs. Nadli spoke of a similar course of action but took it one step further, suggesting a task force examine the housing situation in the North.

In the Nahendeh, Menicoche is advocating reverting the corporation to a territorial government department so MLAs can have more oversight and input into it. Norwegian, on the other hand, suggested giving residents who obtain a job a one-year grace period to become financially secure before their rents are raised. She also suggested the cost of rent be reduced.

In the communities, leaders have their own suggestions. When asked what the most important issue facing their communities is, Chief Fred Tesou, Chief Stan Sanguez and Chief Dolphus Jumbo all agreed that it's housing.

In Trout Lake, Jumbo said residents in communities closer to the highway might be able to meet costs of living including rental rates, but that it's harder in Trout Lake because of transportation costs. He'd like to see the successful Nahendeh MLA work on changing the policy on how rent levels are set, giving special consideration to isolated communities such as Trout Lake.

In Jean Marie River, Sanguez is in favour of a rent-to-own solution so residents can make payments toward a house regardless of their income.

Clearly, there's no shortage of ideas on how to address the issue of housing. However, where does that leave residents of the two constituencies who are paying rent on units and either barely or failing to make ends meet? Voters will have to take a hard look at the candidates' plans to address housing and question them on the exact details and their willingness to incorporate suggestions from the communities.

On Oct. 3, voters will have to keep those answers in mind as they head to the polls. It won't end there, however, residents will have to keep tabs on their MLAs to ensure they follow through on their promises.

Housing is a basic necessity, one that all of the people in the territory should have ready access to.

As my first territorial election loomed, consensus politics seemed noble.

Without the party politics, there is likely no bickering. MLAs can represent their own interests – the voices of the communities will be heard loud and clear, without the mass message of a party clouding a candidate's character.

But, it's not really working out that way. The candidates for Inuvik Boot Lake are all well-researched and informed about ways to make improvements or benefit the community, but it's hard to choose a candidate when they are all concerned about the same issues.

If there were party politics, you could elect a candidate based on which one represents your concerns best. There would be no concern of the election being simply a popularity contest if a candidate chose a party and based themselves on those issues. Then, voters would know where the potential MLAs stood.

But then, this is always where my complete endorsement of party politics falters – do you elect someone who represents what you stand for or someone who is competent and could get results? Ideally, candidates would both represent you and be competent.

In Inuvik Boot Lake, it's getting harder and harder to determine the differences between the candidates. Without all-candidates forums, it's difficult to know which candidate would be deserving of your vote. This election seems to be fairly ho-hum, with no real defining message or issue getting batted around.

Where is the passion, I ask? What are the issues that get the candidates' hearts pumping? Why do they want to get elected? Why do they want to institute change for their community? I can't tell if it's the candidates or a lack of forums to discuss the issues publicly that is resulting in this lack-lustre election run.

As for Inuvik Twin Lakes, if party politics were in play, the other half of Inuvik would have a chance to vote. As it is, those 567 voters (94.21 per cent voter turnout) won't get to elect their MLA. Isn't democracy the right to elect your leaders? How is it democracy to have seats acclaimed? I'm not saying that Robert C. McLeod isn't right for the job, just that it would be nice to have him elected.

The only all-candidates forum in Inuvik will be on Sept. 30 and organized by the Chamber of Commerce. That's only a few days before the election on Oct. 3 and candidates will have to find the passion then to convince voters they're the man for the job.

For those who already know who they're voting for, visit the voting station on Mackenzie Road. Eligible voters can mark the ballot from Sept. 21 until Oct. 1. If you don't have time to vote on Oct. 3, take the time between now and then to have your voice heard. Do it for your neighbours in Inuvik Twin Lakes.

Companies in many industries know the squeeze a tight job market can put on their operations, and the City of Yellowknife is feeling that pressure, or it ought to be.

Its building inspections department has gone from four inspectors to having only one on contract. City hall has become solely reliant on Bill Fandrick, who, as of the end of August, is the retired manager of the department. The city flies him into Yellowknife from Calgary on an as-needed basis, but that need is substantial.

Phil Moon Son, executive director of the NWT Construction Association, and contractor Niels Konge are right to air their concerns that the construction industry may grind to a halt if the city is relying on one person to help fulfil the duties of an essentially vacant building inspections department.

Mayor Gord Van Tighem pointed out that it's cheaper for the city to pay for Fandrick's flights rather than pay a full-time salary and benefits. In addition, the city is saving the salaries of the other inspectors who have resigned.

While attracting new, permanent staff may prove to be challenging, the city cannot allow that to hold up construction.

In addition to trying to recruit full-time replacements, city hall must quickly find other building inspectors who are available on contract.

It's not an ideal situation but even worse would be for building projects in Yellowknife, and for all the occupants of those buildings, to be left waiting longer than they should.

After four years of weighing the pros and cons of three possible paths for the re-route of the Ingraham Trail, a decision was finally announced on Sept. 1.

The Department of Transportation's preferred bypass route travels through Fred Henne Territorial Park.

The other two options that didn't make the cut were through the boat launch near Giant Mine and near the dump. These two routes, although cheaper, do not allow for anywhere near as much land development or come too close to the area where years of Giant Mine clean-up work is scheduled. All three options end up just before the Yellowknife River bridge.

Changing the route has been on the government's radar for about two decades, and the conclusion is on the horizon at long last. It's hoped the new road will be open to the public by November 2012, barring no bumps in final consultations with aboriginal groups, the public, and the city.

Although the Fred Henne route is the longest and most expensive at $17 million, it boasts benefits for future development in the area.

The corridor will improve access on the Ingraham Trail, create an opportunity to further develop the sometimes overflowing campground eastward for residents and tourists and allow the Giant Mine clean-up project to move onward while the road is constructed. With the government's support behind the best route, it is now time to get the show on the road.

Angry, nervous and, truth be told, maybe even itching for a fight.

That's the cocktail of emotions that hit me when I became aware of Quebec's plan to start licensing journalists in an opinion piece penned by Ezra Levant.

The nervous part evolved strictly from our territorial government's love of all things Quebec when it comes to trying to copycat its retardation of the English language.

You know, all that life-improving stuff like not allowing evil English words to be larger than French words when publicly displayed on the same sign, or workers running the risk of getting a pink slip for saying "good morning" during a momentary loss of sanity while answering the phone.

Of course those who support such measures would tell you it's all about preservation, but aggression rarely preserves anything other than the harbouring of ill will.

My anger over such a notion even being considered in this country is multifaceted.

Who gets to decide who among us are professional journalists worthy of being licensed?

In the end, can the credentials really amount to anything more than a willingness to report the news as the ruling government sees it?

Of course not, and that's the whole point. Censorship comes in many forms, and Quebec's idea of licensing journalists is a blatant example of the misuse of power.

Fuelling my anger even further is that leading the charge to regulate Quebec's media is Culture and Communications Minister Christine St-Pierre, based largely on a study written for the Quebec government by Dominique Payette.

Between them, St-Pierre and Payette spent about 50 years with the CBC.

Not enough they both have the benefit of comfortable lifestyles through their employment with a state-paid and federal news organization, now they want to take what they learned there and impose their idea of journalism on an entire province.

To them, good journalism amounts to no more than adding a few sound bites to a press release and off you go with no criticism allowed, constructive or otherwise.

Good reporter. You get a one-on-one interview with the minister tomorrow for your loyalty and subservience.

With the Government of Nunavut's all-to-familiar disdain, or fear, of dealing with real members of the media, chances are such a draconian approach to muzzling the media may have some appeal to those in Iqaluit, should the notion not die a quick and painful death in Quebec.

Should that day ever come to pass, however, I would hope our territorial government could come up with someone better than an ex-CBC personality to determine who among us are "professional" journalists.

Those of us who earn our living in ink are judged far more harshly by our readers than could ever be accomplished by someone in a recycled suit.

When not coming up with plots against journalists who would dare criticize the Government of Quebec, St-Pierre is in charge of enforcing Bill 101, the province's charter on the French language

It would appear her affinity for censorship and a government-approved media closely parallels another card-carrying menace of not all that long ago.

We welcome your opinions. Click here to e-mail a letter to the editor.