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The GNWT's announcement that it is planning to spend $2.5 million to send people to the 2010 Winter Olympic Games in Vancouver begs one question: what for?

Although we agree the NWT should stand side-by-side with the rest of the nation to represent Canada, it's just as important that more prudent spending be observed and the type of people who go are carefully considered.

As it stands, the territory's spending for the Winter Olympics is more than half of what it took the City of Yellowknife to host the 2008 Arctic Winter Games.

It seems odd the GNWT could scrape together a mere $700,000 towards the 2008 Arctic Winter Games - the North's premier athletic and cultural showcase - but somehow find three times that amount for an event that has little direct benefit for the NWT.

If the idea is to send a host of senior bureaucrats, MLAs, ministers and their entourages to the Olympics, then let's put a stop to it right now. No more than three people is all the NWT needs to represent the government. They do not need aides, baggage handlers or people to make them coffee.

Besides, their presence should be secondary. Any money spent to send representatives to the Olympics should create a contingent that proudly demonstrates our territory's rich culture, artistic and musical diversity and our success in winter sports.

In other words, we should be sending artists, singer/songwriters and top performing athletes in traditional and contemporary winter sports.

No matter who gets on a plane for Vancouver, the number should be kept within reason.

The territory is staring hard economic times in the face, just like the rest of Canada.

Dozens of NWT-based jobs have been slashed over the past several months, mines are delaying projects, mineral exploration spending is down. The ripple effect is wide-reaching.

The GNWT needs money for many health and social services programs, to improve education and should be prepared to assist the ranks of the unemployed, should that number continue to grow.

For the time being, Finance Minister Michael Miltenberger has opted to take on a territorial deficit.

If and when he again proposes to raise taxes or cut programs as a result of budget shortfalls, he and his legislative assembly colleagues will surely be confronted with having thrown away $2.5 million on the Olympics hoopla in B.C.

They better reconsider now.

Racism has no place in the legislative assembly. Period.

Whether ministers are Inuit or non-Inuit should not be the focus of how they manage their departments.

Unfortunately, the way Iqaluit West MLA Paul Okalik chose to attack Environment Minister Daniel Shewchuk's ability to handle his portfolio has overshadowed the substance of Okalik's message.

Okalik is right. The seal industry is under threat and the government needs to do more than send out press releases.

Stern letters do little overseas to spur movement on Inuit issues. Nunavut is so remote, it's easy to ignore. Looking European parliamentarians in the eye and asking them to defend a decision that would take food from the mouths of children of struggling Northern families does much more.

But Okalik's assertion that the current Environment minister is not qualified to defend the seal hunt because he is not Inuk threatens to overshadow any valid points he raised. His message risks getting lost in his discriminatory approach.

So far Okalik has refused to apologize for the remarks he has made in the legislature. But whether he apologizes or not, he should put the mud-slinging aside and focus on the issues at hand, because the Nunavut government needs his expertise.

As a politician, Okalik is plain spoken and pugnacious.

In his time as premier, pelt prices were rising due to a renewed fashion interest in fur. But when the seal hunt was threatened by Paul and Heather McCartney's much-publicized protest on the East Coast in 2006, Okalik came out swinging.

In Europe to talk to parliamentarians about climate change in 2006, the former premier told reporters seals were "our daily basic diet -- we can't grow potatoes ... It's something we require to continue to survive and it's far more nutritious than what is imported from southern Canada.

He added that the seals Nunavummiut hunt are "not those fluffy, cute things that you see on TV all the time, that these (conservation) groups use to try and kill the sealskin market."

We urge Okalik to continue fighting for the interests of Nunavummiut and holding the executive accountable for their actions, or lack of them, so long as MLAs' ancestry stays out of the debate.

Every city has its distinctive landmarks on the skyline. Yellowknife, the central city of the North in every sense, has one - the Robertson Shaft headframe.

It can be seen from just about any clear vantage point in the city, and is the unmistakable marker of Yellowknife on the horizon. To boaters on Great Slave Lake and pilots flying into the NWT capital, the 250-foot tower serves as a sort of beacon and welcoming signal.

Even though it no longer serves any practical purpose, the headframe is recognized by Yellowknifers as a part of the city's heritage. The Con Mine site upon which it is located is a tangible reminder of Yellowknife's gold mining past. The city was built on such mines, and wouldn't it be wonderful if we could preserve it as a monument?

Trouble is, despite consensus among residents that the structure should be preserved, no one has shown how that can be done without unduly burdening the city's taxpayers. That's already happening as the city is investing time, effort and money in trying to save it in response to public sentiment.

U.S.-based Newmont, which inherited the headframe when it bought Miramar Mining, must demolish the structure next year as part of government regulated clean-up. Only an investor with cash or an organization with a sound business plan can keep that from happening.

No amount of sentimental lobbying will save the tower.

Move over Yukon Arctic Ultra, there's another racing quest heating up the North.

Just three-years-old, Yellowknife's Rock and Ice Ultra has quickly become a much sought after event by adventure racing enthusiasts from around the world.

This year's 82 competitors hail from as far away as South Africa and Australia. All of them were keen to ski or snowshoe the lakes and winter trails coursing around Yellowknife.

The longest event, the Diamond Ultra, takes racers on a punishing and bone-chilling six-day jaunt over 225 km of ice and snow-covered shield country.

In a time when economic uncertainty has left other community events feeling the pinch, race organizer Scott Smith and company have been able to attract big sponsorships from the likes of BHP Billiton, Matrix Helicopters and Arctic Response.

The race's success shows that it's never a bad idea to think big, and that Yellowknife's isolation isn't too great an obstacle if the idea is exciting enough.

The icing on the cake this year is that even with a large contingent of international competitors, Yellowknife skiers Mike Argue, Thomsen D'Hont and Craig Scott managed to claim top honours in the Diamond Ultra, K-Rock and Cold Foot Classic races, respectively.

May the Rock and Ice Ultra reign for years to come.

The Dehcho First Nations (DFN) currently has a number of associated committees that deal with economic matters. During the Dehcho Economic Forum, held in Fort Simpson from March 16-17, representatives from around the region examined which of the committees should be distanced from DFN so they can focus on what they were created for - business.

This was an interesting concept for the Deh Cho because it seems that in the region, everything is permeated by DFN's politics. While the forum was the first step on this path of separation for DFN, it draws attention to the larger question of how politics are affecting the region's overall economic development and business atmosphere.

It's no secret that the Deh Cho isn't exactly booming with economic developments. Sure, every once in a while companies score contracts when new bridges and buildings are being constructed, but most of this is driven by government spending. There is little in the way of independent industries.

One thing the Deh Cho does have an abundance of is natural resources. This economic development path, however, is fraught with peril, as many companies have discovered.

If the Deh Cho were a motel, the sign by the road wouldn't be flashing either vacancies or no vacancy for potential business developments, it would be much more complicated. Beside the word vacancy there would be an asterisk directing your attention to a note that would explain the development may or may not be acceptable all based on a variety of factors that can change from day to day.

Some of the uncertainty surrounding what types of developments are acceptable and where will be solved when the Dehcho Land Use Plan is implemented. In the plan, the Deh Cho is clearly divided.

Even with the plan, it's unlikely natural resource development will ever gain full support.

In the Deh Cho, politics is bound tightly to culture and that includes the responsibility to protect the land and the water.

While the Deh Cho Economic Forum was an interesting exercise, it needs to be taken a step further. While examining its own links between politics and business, DFN also needs to engage in a larger conversation to identify what kind of economic developments would be suitable for the region and how to entice them here.

One of my first assignments after landing here in Inuvik a couple of months ago centred on the residents of Tsiigehtchic and their frustration and outrage at not having a permanent RCMP officer in their community.

Being fresh to the area, and from a place where the police were always just around the corner, I was surprised.

That shock turned to anger when I found it can take upwards of two hours for officers to arrive from Inuvik or Fort McPherson when there's an emergency. That's inconceivable to me. What's almost as inconceivable are the constant excuses coming from the territorial government that they don't have the cash to fund full-time police officers in communities like Tsiigehtchic and it can't get any more federal funding.

Meanwhile we supposedly inhabit a land chock-full of minerals and diamonds, and oil galore. As far as the feds are concerned, the Mackenzie pipeline is within reach. But yet there's just not enough money to provide these communities with reliable police protection.

The obvious question remains how a community can cope without the reassurance of timely RCMP response. Maybe I'm way off here, but I would be willing to bet Inuvik can afford to sacrifice one, if not two of its police officers and still be OK.

I guess it's where you're born in Canada that determines if you get reliable police protection. If you live in Toronto, there's a squad car every few blocks. So is a life more important in Toronto than in Tsiigehtchic? That's what it really boils down to.

I can't believe the issue hasn't incensed people to riot across the North. Forget supplemental health benefits and board reform. What have you got if you can't pick up the phone and call 9-1-1? Oh right, you can't do that either here. But you know what I mean.

Some people probably thought Tsiigehtchic might finally lure a cop to its community after a brutal stabbing death on Canada Day last year, but the issue has since faded away. Some residents are still upset but it appears they are wailing vainly in the wilderness.

A story in Monday's News/North tells of a man charged with murder being given a judge's permission to travel back to Tsiigehtchic to attend his mother's funeral on March 17. There's good reason to believe there was no RCMP supervision in the community at the time.

Anyone thinking it's just a local problem is wearing blinders. Pretty soon, perhaps, communities such as Tsiigehtchic will close up shop. Sadly, for some who have the power to provide such a basic yet essential service, they may like nothing better than that.

Why is city council wasting more money on yet another report on 911 emergency phone service?

We'll bring readers back in time to Aug. 23, 2004 when council was presented with a "final report" by Lapp-Hancock Associates on implementing a 911 service in Yellowknife.

The $47,500 study, funded jointly by the city and the GNWT Department of Justice, provided a detailed analysis of what it would take to bring 911 to Yellowknife and the rest of the territory.

Lapp-Hancock recommended Yellowknife not wait for the territorial government to climb on board, but rather start setting up a 911 service in the city immediately. The consultant said it would cost the city $420,000 a year to run.

In the city's own words: "The study reviews all aspects of providing 9-1-1 service to Yellowknife, and compellingly argues that it is feasible and should not only be implemented, but that it can be implemented both smoothly and in a timely manner."

Now, nearly five years later - with Lapp-Hancock's report moldering on a shelf somewhere at city hall - council is awaiting the results of another 911 feasibility study, this time by Vancouver-based Planetworks. This report, funded entirely by the city, will cost ratepayers $104,504.

The city has been toying with 911 for more than 10 years, and what has been accomplished other than fattening the wallets of consultants? Not a single thing.

No doubt, cost estimates provided by Planetworks will come in significantly higher than Lapp-Hancock's.

In the meantime, as the interminable wait for 911 continues, residents will be left fumbling with their phones, trying to remember outdated emergency numbers while lives hang in the balance. This is simply unacceptable.

The territorial government has yet to announce how $2.5 million set aside for the 2010 Vancouver Winter Olympics is going to be spent, but the fewer airplane seats devoted to travelling politicians and bureaucrats, the better.

It is known that the premier will be in attendance, paid for by Olympic organizers. Three cabinet ministers will also make the trip, although it is not yet clear who will be footing the bill for them to go. Regardless, that's more than enough elected officials.

The Olympics draws people from all over the world. Sending talented people who can promote the city and the territory would serve as a huge boost to tourism. For example, the Snowking, Anthony Foliot, draws a crowd to Yellowknife with the annual Snowking Winter Festival every year. Sending him to the 2010 games to promote the Snowking's castle could help spread the word about the city's unique month-long festival.

Aurora Village owner Don Morin is another representative that could attract greater interest by going to the Olympics. Morin has spent many years showing visitors the NWT's great outdoors and Northern lights via dog sled while bringing cultural relevance from an aboriginal perspective.

The more ambassadors we have like that in Vancouver, the better off we'll be. Let the politicians and bureaucrats tune into the Winter Olympics on TV like the rest of us.

One reason science is taking such a hit these days is how often it's used to further agendas.

You name a topic or a theory, and just about anyone can produce a scientific study to support or debunk it.

People now choose when science is relevant, based on their own objectives.

If you need to hunt polar bears or seals, science is overtly bad.

But if you want to keep a mining company out of your backyard, science is good.

And, of course, everyone is quick to scream that those on the other side of a debate simply don't understand their unique point of view.

Today, you can praise the Americans and their use of plebiscites as a better form of governance and, in the next breath, take a shot at experts produced by that same system for running the world economy into the ground.

It's enough to make you wonder what anyone truly believes, other than wanting what they perceive to be best for them, as individuals.

With all the compliments, criticism and open hostility I was privy to during the past few weeks over mining proposals in Baker Lake, what stood out the most to me was the short-sightedness of many of the viewpoints.

That was especially true in weighing the pros and cons of Kivalliq industry.

This is not just about a few new trucks, snowmobiles and Game Boys.

Industry develops the middle class, which drives economies and, far more importantly, can plant the seeds of a successful genesis for generations of families.

Should mining and big money come to Baker, there will be those who will be no better off when it leaves.

That happens everywhere, regardless of race, creed or culture.

Others, however, will take those paycheques and chart a future for their families.

They will use a portion of the money they earn over two decades or more and send their kids to university.

Their children will graduate, earn a good living and want more for their kids.

And so a positive, and effective, cycle begins.

If Areva's proposal ever becomes reality, let's say, for the sake of conjecture, it employs 500 people, with more than 50 per cent being Inuit.

If but 25 per cent of those 260 workers put two kids through university or college, Nunavut will have 130 new post-secondary graduates during the project's life.

Now let's get really optimistic and say Uravan and Meadowbank work the same.

That's almost 400 university and post-secondary graduates in just over three decades which, in reference to time, is not a grain of sand.

Some who oppose mining say they just want to ensure all concerns are addressed.

When someone makes the argument, directed at the Nunavut Impact Review Board, that once one mine is opened it will be politically impossible to stop the development of others it points to killing projects, not having concerns met.

The debate on the Baker proposal was never about not giving elders or anyone else their say.

Nor was it about letting a company poison the land and its animals.

It's about painting an accurate picture for everyone to see what they can gain, or lose, by the decision they make.