The board was in the midst of a campaign to crack down on drunkenness when Simpson quit, saying that he did not have the support of the government.
Simpson warned last fall when he took the chair that the board would deal harshly with over-crowding in bars and serving booze to besotted patrons.
He was as good as his word.
The crackdown outraged bar owners and managers, one of whom protested to a government official.
Premier Joe Handley has asked Hughes -- a lawyer and former B.C. Supreme Court Justice with a reputation for cool, dispassionate analysis -- to determine if that protest led "any department official to attempt to interfere with the legitimate autonomy" of the Liquor Licensing Board.
Handley has also asked Hughes to rule on whether bureaucrats "attempted to interfere with the proper release" of documents to the public, and "any other allegations" of tampering with the board.
Hughes is Conflict Commissioner for the Northwest Territories, but he won't be wearing that hat for the review. Instead, Handley is calling on Hughes's experience in adjudicating ethical issues.
In keeping with Handley's promise to run an open government, the premier is giving Hughes full access to all officials and documents related to the file and has promised to make the report public.
Faced with a licence suspension, a Yellowknife bar owner complained to a senior government official. The case was dropped, and a 45-day penalty hanging over another lounge was reduced to a single day.
It falls to Hughes to determine if the events are connected.
The initial review isn't expected to take much more than a week. Hughes will decide if the allegations have merit, and has been asked to report his findings to Handley by July 15.
Hughes may also make recommendations. His broad experience in life and law could furnish useful advice to the government on how to avoid sticky situations in the future.
In the meantime, the government needs to clear its vision on alcohol.
Alcohol is an important revenue stream, but running a bar isn't a public service -- it's a licensed and regulated business. The law and penalties for non-compliance must be clear and evenly applied to all.
Editorial Comment
Darrell Greer
Kivalliq News
It appears the job of burning Arviat MLA Kevin O'Brien at the stake has been passed on to Housing Minister Peter Kilabuk.
Just when it looked like O'Briengate had run its course, the Nunavut Housing Corp. moved in to address concerns it has with two of the four housing units it has leased with O'Brien in Arviat.
We're not going to dispute Housing Corp. president Peter Scott's contention that the timing of this action against O'Brien is purely coincidental, and has nothing to do with the charge against him earlier this year.
We do, however, put the odds of coincidence slightly lower than winning the weekly Super 7 draw.
But now, Kilabuk has promised to get to the bottom of this sordid affair.
Translation: state the amount of money O'Brien is being paid for two units that sit empty in an attempt to further sway public opinion against the former MLA before swooping in for the kill.
Deal above board
Regular readers of Kivalliq News know O'Brien's leasing agreement with the government was carefully screened by Nunavut's Integrity Commissioner before being approved.
That documentation is sitting quietly in clerk of the assembly John Quirk's office.
So, with no conflict of interest involved, we can't understand why the Nunavut government didn't ensure the units were occupiable before entering into the agreement.
Arviat units not alone
Also more than a little puzzling is all the ado about government housing units sitting empty in a community so desperate for housing, like Arviat is the only one.
When Kilabuk tables his information in the assembly about O'Brien's units, let's see him also table documentation on all government housing units sitting empty across Nunavut.
We'd like to see how long each one has sat empty and how much is being paid to each landlord by the GN.
Heck, considering the Arviat situation, we'd even like to see a report on how many others may be a tad below government standards.
Smells like sour grapes
We're also not overly impressed with some of Arviat MLA David Alagalak's comments concerning O'Briengate.
A long time rival of O'Brien's, it wasn't all that long ago Alagalak, himself, was quite interested in those Arviat lease agreements with the GN and was quite beside himself when they were awarded to O'Brien.
The O'Briengate matter has gone on long enough.
If the Nunavut government has legal recourse in its lease agreements with O'Brien, it should exercise them and bring a close to this sad saga.
And, should that be the direction it takes, we sincerely hope it treats the rest of its lease agreements the same way.
Editorial Comment
Jason Unrau
Inuvik Drum
If there ever was a moment for government to win friends and influence people, this would be the time.
With much of Inuvik's secondary school in shambles following its foyer roof collapse and gymnasium fire, the government still has no idea what the cost to fix the damage will be, more than a week after the fire and nearly three weeks after the roof fell in.
As tight financial times forced the GNWT to increase its insurance deductible on its properties from $1 million to $10 million, if a decision is made to repair rather than rebuild, it is not likely the damaged gym and destroyed foyer would amount to more than that.
So, it looks as though any monies will come from the GNWT's general revenue -- the taxpayer's wallet.
Imagine the credibility and respect the GNWT would garner if it decided simply to scrap SHSS -- built in 1967 -- and construct a new secondary school.
Instead, an adjuster's report outlining the cost of repairs is not due for another six to eight weeks. Of course, a decision on whether to rebuild or repair is pending those cost estimates.
Either option has both pros and cons. If you repair the damage, currently estimated between $1 million and $10 million, it is a cheaper option in the short run, and one the GNWT can afford.
On the other hand, if you choose to rebuild, the price tag of a new school is the ballpark of $25 million.
Either option is going to take time. BDEC's estimate is that the gym is out of commission for not only this year, but next year as well.
Won't be ready for years
However, a new school won't be ready for years, according to the minister of finance, and students will be restricted to what remains of SHSS until anything is decided, conceived, consulted "to death," set for construction, in construction and so on.
As far as cost is concerned, a $25 million school in 2004 dollars is going to be worth a lot more five or 10 years down the line.
Sir Alexander Mackenzie School is currently in a holding pattern for a new building and SHSS is not on the radar.
Regardless of which school will take precedence, addressing the SHSS situation is going to affect all students. Perhaps a Kindergarten to Grade 12 school should be built.
One also might wonder where our Western Arctic MP -- Minister of State Responsible for Children and Youth, no less -- is.
But, alas this is an education issue and under the jurisdiction of the GNWT -- not the federal government -- says the constitution and the MP's communications department.
But couldn't Mrs. Blondin-Andrew use some of her, you know, influence (maybe some of those extra HRDC dollars lying around, if there is any left)?
The official comment was no comment, explained her press liaison. Besides, the election has been called and this could be, how shall we say... misinterpreted.
No wonder this is the stance in the Blondin-Andrew camp after NDP candidate Dennis Bevington fired an opening shot across the incumbent's bow, accusing her in a fax received at the Drum office of "vote buying".
So basically it boils down to this: if Inuvik were to be destroyed by a flood, we could get money from Ottawa. Since it was just the high school that was wrecked makes it a GNWT problem, which under current formula financing is beholden to Ottawa anyways. Or, in other words: broke.
We deserve more from our governments.
Editorial Comment
Derek Neary
Deh Cho Drum
Meet Werner Aschbacher. He's a 35-year-old Whitehorse resident with a wife, Sunny. They have a two-year-old daughter.
Last December, Werner and Sunny purchased South Nahanni Outfitters, an existing big game hunting business. They were excited about the company and its prospects.
Only there's a hitch: the Aschbachers just found out that they are not wanted on Deh Cho lands by the region's First Nations.
Werner says he can understand the First Nations' concerns about someone new offering big game hunts on their traditional lands. For that reason, he said he wants to meet with the DCFN's leaders, find out how he can accommodate their needs and assure them that meat from the hunts won't be wasted.
This isn't an operation that is taking food out of the mouths of local people. On the contrary, it could actually provide meat to those who would appreciate it.
Despite Werner's best attempts, the DCFN has refused to meet with him.
First Nations constantly demand "meaningful consultation" from the oil and gas industry and mining companies -- nothing less. Yet these same First Nations deem it acceptable to simply fax a letter to the owners of a small outfitting operation to inform them that they should pack their bags and leave.
A future government seeking to shut down small enterprise without any attempt at communication does not bode well.
Grand Chief Herb Norwegian said that these outfitting companies have changed hands before and, despite some cooperation up front, "it's a constant pain," because he said the owners stop living up to their end of the bargain.
But it's not only the big game outfitters who are affected by the DCFN's resolution. These hunting guides hire local charter aircraft and purchase groceries and supplies from local merchants. Their clients also spend money when passing through Fort Simpson. If the DCFN is successful in running the outfitters out of the region, the ripple effect will be felt by many if not all.
Norwegian's words to the Fort Simpson business community reflect the chasm that exists between his organization and their ventures.
The Deh Cho self-government process has indeed been open and transparent. The meetings are open to the public and Norwegian and most of the region's chiefs have certainly been accessible to the media. The task of trying to form a regional government is an enormous one, to say the least.
Nevertheless, a link between the business community and the DCFN must be identified. Even if businesspeople could find the time to attend DCFN leadership assemblies, they likely wouldn't have a voice at the table.
While the DCFN cannot be expected to let the business community set its priorities or run its agenda, if the two groups just continue to co-exist the tensions will only mount, as evidenced by this issue over big game outfitting.
Although the business community in the Deh Cho is small, it's fairly diverse, not only in the services it offers but in its approach and attitude towards the Deh Cho Process.
The only way negative attitudes are going to change or be influenced in a positive way is through dialogue.
We need to build bridges, not walls and fences.
Retraction on Aurora World tour company
In the May 26 edition of Yellowknifer, a story appeared on Page 19, concerning Aurora World Corporation. Due to an editing error, the story stated that Aurora World Corporation had declared bankruptcy. This is incorrect.
Aurora World Corporation filed a notice of intent to make a proposal to its creditors under the Bankruptcy and Insolvency Act. Yellowknifer apologizes for this error and fully retracts the statement.