Editorial page

Monday, November 4, 2002
Enough kangaroo court, please

Despite the high drama and circus-like atmosphere that choked our legislature over the last two weeks MLAs certainly deserve no standing ovation.

Virtually the entire session was spent dealing with scandals rather than the issues and concerns of NWT constituents.

Don't get us wrong. Kakfwi's actions over the Sorensen and Bayly severance payouts were inexcusable and clearly had to be dealt with. MLAs were correct to question his leadership.

But the real loser crawling out from this session isn't the premier, who has since admitted he has a personality problem. It's us taxpayers.

It is a sad statement on the elected officials that so little time of this legislative session was spent on issues dealing with voters.

Yes, the Human Rights Act was finally passed, but that piece of legislation was launched years ago and MLAs spent a mere afternoon sailing it through. Yes, they did amend other acts including the Child and Family Services Act, but other serious legislation was ignored.

What about the items that begged attention?

The review calling on a complete overhaul of the Workers' Compensation Act, set to be discussed this session was put on hold.

Our health-care system is in shambles. But was it dealt with in the legislature? No. Miltenberger's long-anticipated recruitment and retention strategy has now conveniently been delayed until mid November. Considering the next sitting of the legislative assembly isn't until February, this important strategy won't get the public forum it deserves.

Critical issues such as housing, devolution and the proposed Mackenzie Valley Pipeline got no attention.

To add insult to injury our deficit is a staggering $104 million. Was it debated? No. Finance Minister Joe Handley didn't release the figure until the last day of session, leaving no window of opportunity for debate.

The worst part, unfortunately, is the theatrics of this past session will likely resurface during the next session.

The recent Supreme Court ruling that found Conflict of Interest Commissioner Carol Roberts to be wrongfully dismissed will now go before MLAs to decide how much compensation she should get.

It was the MLAs who decided she should be fired, and now it's the MLAs who have to swallow their error and ensure she is compensated fairly.

How long will the battle go on that one? Will it be another kangaroo court?

Our advice is simple.

Deal with it, and let's return to the house and do what we elected you for.


Falling short on assignment

Editorial Comment
Terry Halifax
Inuvik Drum


The leadership at Nunavut Tunngavik acted inappropriately at the recent wildlife symposium in the capital.

Instead of sitting at the table and discussing the issue of the assignment of harvesting rights with beneficiaries, NTI requested the item be removed from the agenda. A lack of preparation and a sick employee were excuses the executive sent to the meeting with chief executive officer John Lamb.

Illness is forgivable. Shirking one's duties when push comes to shove forces us to ask NTI's executive why they aren't ready to hash out the issue with concerned beneficiaries.

When questioned, Lamb said NTI had not had the opportunity to take the assignment of harvesting rights to their legal department for review. Lamb also said the controversial assignment policies adopted by Iqaluit's Amarok Hunters and Trappers Association in August had not been examined by the land claim organization's legal team.

These statements are questionable considering that the Nunavut Land Claims Agreement -- including Article 5.7.34, the article concerning the assignment of harvesting rights -- is ten-years-old.

Lamb's words become even more difficult to accept when we look back at Amarok's long and controversial history in trying to settle the matter in Iqaluit.

Since March of 1998, HTA members and executive have tried to resolve the issue. Their progress has been very public, making it impossible for NTI not to have taken notice.

Furthermore, Amarok members contacted NTI in January of 2000 and specifically asked the land claims organization to define Article 5.7.34.

Perhaps we need to point out to NTI's executive that nearly three years have passed since that request was issued.

We appreciate that NTI plans to meet with the concerned parties in the near future, but until they step forward with answers, we must assume that the executive is asleep at the wheel.

It's either that or we have to believe they're avoiding their responsibility as officials elected to equally safeguard the rights of all beneficiaries.

Time will tell.


Can the consensus

Editorial Comment
Terry Halifax
Inuvik Drum


When I first moved to the NWT, I thought consensus government was a great idea. With no party line to tow, each member is free to work in the best interest of their constituents.

Then there was the Morin Inquiry and now this most recent debacle.

As I see it, here is what happened:

In an effort to distance themselves from Don Morin's allies, the new government purges cabinet of anyone with even remote ties to Morin.

In the purge, Michael Miltenberger loses his cabinet post to Jane Groenewegen, who led the charge against Morin.

Miltenberger retaliates with his own conflict of interest charge against Groenewegen. That's dismissed, so he tries again.

Here, the plot takes an ugly turn, when Groenewegen, John Bayly and Lynda Sorensen secretly tape a telephone conversation between Groenewegen and conflict of interest commissioner Carol Roberts.

When the world finds out, damage control reaches DEFCON 5 and rather than resign, Groenewegen relinquishes her cabinet post to Miltenberger and Sorensen and Bayly are fired with a secret golden handshake.

Those concerned breath a sigh of relief until the auditor general reports that the handshake is improper and once again, our government's credibility has flown out the window.

Compare what happened here, with any workplace situation. If Kakfwi was a CEO at any corporation, shareholders would call for his head.

Not only should Kakfwi be canned, the whole system should be canned. The flaw in consensus government is that there is no official opposition to act as watchdog. Other than sporadic bursts of discontent fired from individual members, there is no organized review of the government's actions.

With each member scrambling to fulfill their mandate, portfolios and work on committees, there is no time for eternal vigilance.

I don't believe that Kakfwi, Groenewegen or Miltenberger are evil people. Quite the opposite. I think each has brought some great leadership and initiatives to their jobs.

There was a certain amount of arrogance and a large amount of stupidy that led these people to where they are today, but it was the system that allowed it to get this far.

This form of government fosters mis-management and breeds corruption, because it has no restraint or accountabilty.

Once again, the consensus government has failed the electorate and once again, our government is left looking like a banana republic.

How can Ottawa take us seriously when our representatives go down there crying poor, when they see this kind of action?

If we can afford to dole out $800,000 in severence pay to negligent ex-employees, we certainly can afford an alcohol treatment program.

The real irony here is that right now Donny Morin is enjoying a hearty belly laugh at how the system that ousted him came back to oust the ones who ousted him.


He who hesitates ...

Editorial Comment
Derek Neary
Deh Cho Drum


The Kaa Dule United Corporation has beaten the Deh Cho Economic Corporation to the punch.

Incorporated within a few short weeks, the Kaa Dule United Corporation is chasing down pipeline-related contracts that will benefit the region. That's falls right in line with what the Deh Cho Economic Corporation has been mandated to do, but the economic corporation apparently wasn't quite ready to jump in yet.

For years, calls for economic development in the region have fallen on deaf ears. However, the momentum in favour of some level of industrial activity has grown within individual First Nations over the past while.

Deh Cho First Nations Grand Chief Michael Nadli has held firm in his position that an Interim Resource Development Agreement must come first. It will provide the region with lasting returns through royalties and ensuring equitable impact benefits agreements. The drawback? The timeline for signing such an agreement remains elusive.

However, Nadli consented to the formation of a Deh Cho Economic Corporation, which will oversee regional projects as directed by board members from all Deh Cho communities. Organization and agreement on a regional economic corporation has taken some time as delegates from 13 organizations (10 First Nations and three Metis Locals) are responsible for sorting out all the details. Yet there has been some real progress over the past few months, including the acquisition of $206,000 in start-up funding from the federal and territorial governments.

Despite the steady progress, the economic corporation didn't quite have its ducks in a row when engineering firm ColtKBR put out a request for qualifications for preliminary pipeline contract candidates.

So representatives from four Deh Cho political bodies swung into action and, with guidance from a consultant or two, formed the Kaa Dule United Corporation. They made their submissions to ColtKBR just under the (extended) wire.

Now we have a situation that is surely to be hashed out at this week's fall leadership assembly in Fort Providence. It doesn't have to be a knock-down, drag-out fight, but it could turn into one. It's primarily a question of whether the Kaa Dule United Corporation will merge with or fall under the Deh Cho Economic Corporation. If not, political leaders will have to decide how the two entities will co-exist.

Michael Nadli's long-standing desire to see unity among the region's communities is commendable, as is his long-term vision of enduring benefits for the region.

What is puzzling is his remarks regarding this winter's preliminary pipeline work. Why would he down-play a share of $4 million-$6 million? Bidding on such contracts will not compromise the Deh Cho First Nations position on a pipeline or resource development.

Why should such contracts, which are going to be tendered whether there's any interest expressed from the Deh Cho or not, continue to go strictly to Southern companies?

Obviously some local organizations are tired of waiting for answers.